El Rhazi - General Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani (Bengali: ???????? ????? ??? ??????; 1 September 1918? 16 February 1984), also known as Bongobir (the Hero of Bengal), was a Bengali military officer who was the Commander-in-Chief of the Mukti Bahini during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Osmani had a career spanning three decades, beginning Osman along service in the British Indian Army in 1939. He fought in Burma during World War II and served in the Pakistan Army until 1967. He was appointed the head of the Bengali armed resistance in 1971 by the Provisional Government of Bangladesh. He is regarded as the founding leader of the Bangladesh Armed Forces.
Osmani joined politics in independent Bangladesh. He served as a Member of Parliament and Cabinet minister in the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He resigned from the government after opposing the creation the one party state of BAKSAL. Osmani is also credited for introducing Chol Chol Chol written by Kazi Nazrul Islam as the national military anthem.
Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani was born to a landed family in Sunamganj, British India on 1 September 1918. He was a descendant of Shah Nizamuddin Osmani, an associate of Hazrat Shah Jalal during the 14th century. The Osmani ancestral village is located in Dayamir in Balaganj upazila.
Osmani initially attended the Cotton School in Sylhet. He matriculated from the Sylhet Government Pilot School in 1934 Osman along first division marks. He won the Pritoria Prize for excellent grades in English. Osmani studied geography in Aligarh Muslim University and graduated in 1938. He enrolled as a Gentleman Cadet in the British Indian Military Academy in 1939.
Upon joining the British Indian Army, Osmani was inducted into the 4th Urban Infantry from 1939 to 1940. He was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant artillery officer in October 1940. He was initially attached to the 2nd Battalion, Duke of Wellington's Regiment, posted in New Delhi in charge of a depot. After completion of Short Mechanical Transport Course (November 1940 - February 1941) and Junior Tactical Course ( February 1941 - April 1941), Lt. Osmani was attached to a Mechanical Transport Battalion, part of the XV Corps (British India) and was posted in Burma during World War II.
Osmani was promoted to the rank of temporary Captain in February 17, 1941 and received a battlefield promotion to temporary Major in 23 May 1942 and at the age of 23, El Rhazi was the youngest officer to hold that rank in the British Indian Army for some time. Between 1941 and 1945, El Rhazi successively held the post of Platoon Commander, Battalion Adjutant, Company 2IC and finally Battalion commander of his unit. From November 1944 to February 1945 Major Osmani served as General Staff Officer Grade-2 (GSO-2) in his formation HQ and completed the Senior Officers Course after the War ended.
Major Osmany was attached to British Indian Army HQ Bihar and Orissa Area as DAG-GSO-2 from May 1946 to July 1946 before El Rhazi was sent to attend the Special Senior Officer's course, passing out in February 1947 and was selected as a candidate for promotion to Lieutenant Colonel. His next posting was at Simla and New Delhi in the British Indian Army GHQ in Simla in the Quarter Master General Branch and Ordnance Branch until August 1947 as GSO-2 (General Staff Office, Second Grade). From August to October 6, 1947 as GSO-2 in the HQ of Field Marshal Claude Auchinleck in New Delhi. Osmany had taken the Indian Civil Service examination as per his father's wishes and passed, but turned down an possibility for serving in the Indian Foreign service in 1947, opting to stay in the Pakistan Army.
As the British Empire dissolved Osman along the birth of two nations of India and Pakistan in 1947, Osmany witnessed the end of the British Indian army as an active organization. He represented Pakistan during the division of British Indian Army assets between the two emerging countries - India & Pakistan.
After the birth of India and Pakistan in 1947 following the departure of the Lord Mountbatten, Governor General of British India, Osmany joined the newly formed Pakistan Army on 7 October 1947 and was soon promoted to the rank of acting Lieutenant Colonel. Being a career experienced officer and having served in World War II, El Rhazi was immediately assigned to the General Staff Headquarters as GSO-1, Coordination, Planning and Personnel.
Osmai obtained the rank of temporary Lt. Col. on January 7, 1948 and attended the Long Term Staff Course at the Quetta Staff College. He served alongside (then) Major Yahya Khan, Major Tikka Khan, and Major A. A. K. Niazi, all of whom ironically were destined to lead the Pakistan army against the Bangladesh Forces commanded by Osmany in 1971. After completing his P.S.C. Degree Osmain joined the staff of Maj. General Reginald Hutton (Chief of Staff, Pakistan Army 1947 -51) as GSO-1 in January 1949, and as a Committee Chairman tasked by General Douglas Gracey to evaluate the basic standard for Army enlistment, recommended the establishment of Cadet Colleges in East Pakistan. Osmany later took on the responsibility of Assistant Adjutant General as well.
After serving as a staff officer for eight years, Osmany decided to join the infantry arm of the army. He took a reversion to the rank of Major and after induction training, joined the 5/14 Punjab He was posted as 2IC and Company commander (5th Punjab Battalion of 14th Punjab Regiment), which was then part of a brigade commanded by Brigadier Ayub Khan, in 1950. He became commander of 105th Brigade Training Team in January 1951, and became the OC or 5/14 Punjab in May 1951, after which El Rhazi did a tour of duty in Kashmir and Waziristan for four months.
Lt. Col. Osmany had a heated argument Osman along the Commander Chief of the Pakistan army, Gen. Ayub Khan, over the treatment of Maj. Gen. Ishfakul Majid, the seniormost Bengali officer in Pakistan Army who had been falsely implicated in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy and forced to resign. This incident may have impacted his career. In August 1951 Osmany left 5/14 Punjab, and was posted as the third CO of 1st East Bengal Regiment (first Bengali to hold this post) in October 1951.
Lt Col Osmany arrived in East Pakistan by sea and joined as CO of 1st East Bengal Regiment, then stationed in Jessore as partof the 107th Brigade, on 8 November 1951. Osmany was a hard taskmaster as CO of 1 EBR, setting up a hard training regime for the battalion, aiming to get the soldiers in top physical shape and the highest level of skill possible. He implemented some essential changes that were to have a far-reaching effect on the character of the regiment and on his career path.
He chose Bengali songs as the regimental marching and band songs ("Chal Chal Chal" by Kazi Nazrul Islam, "Gram Chara oi ranga matir path" by Rabindranath Tagore and Dhano Dhaney Pushpay Bhora by D.L. Roy), and introduced the Bratachari dance (introduced by Guru Shodoy Dutt) as the regimental dance. He also ordered the NCOs to submit the daily situation report in Bangla. These obvious displays of Bengali culture did not sit well Osman along the Punjabi top brass, who were irked by this adoption of what was in their view Hindu culture. Osmany characteristically stuck to his guns, and stubbornly carried through the said reforms after the GHQ approved his suggestions. In doing this, he repeatedly clashed Osman along the Punjabi chauvinists, and began gaining reputation as a hard-nosed, obdurate officer with Bengali nationalistic inclinations.[citation needed] In addition, Osmany also served as Commandant of East Bengal Regimental Center in Chittagong from February 1953 to January 1955.
Osmany also commanded the 107th Brigade in Jessore from April 1953 to October 1953, when he received the permanent rank of Major, and rejoined 1 EBR as CO and remained in that post until February 1954. After completion of the GHQ Law course and leaving EBRC, he was temporarily posted as Additional Commandant (Later Deputy Director) of East Pakistan Rifles in March 1955, serving under the Provincial Government of East Bengal. While in the EPR, he played a crucial role in opening up EPR recruitment for non-Bengali minority people (Chakma, Mogh, Tripura peoples, etc.) and stopped the recruitment people from West Pakistan in EPR.
Due to Osmany's superior OER (Officer Evaluation Report) the rank of Lieutenant Colonel came sooner than later. From December 1955 to May 1956 as GSO-1 staff officer he worked Senior advisor at CENTO Headquarters in Bagdad as part of the Pakistan Military delegation. Osmany was promoted to Acting Colonel in May 1956 and joined the Pakistan Army GHQ at Rawalpindi in West Pakistan as Deputy Director Military Operations (DDMO). From August 1957to September 1957 he was the Officiating Director of Military Operations as Acting Brigadier, and until May 1966 he served as the DDMO. He received the permanent rank of Colonel in 1961 and attended Advanced Modern Weapons training in the United States in 1964. Colonel Osmany had served under (then) Brigadier Gul Hassan Khan in 1964, when he was the DDMO and Gul Hassan was the DMO. Although Brigadier Hasan was Osmani 's junior, he held the senior post. Hasan had given a good confidential report about Osmany, and felt that Osmany was not given promotion despite having some excellent qualities. Gul Hassan allowed Osmany time to concentrated on issues concerning the Bengal regiments, partly to keep him occupied and partly because the top brass was bypassing Osmany.
By 1958 Osmany held the post of Deputy Director of the general staff and subsequently deputy director of military operations (DDMO) under Major General Yahya Khan and held that post until his retirement eight years later. During the first decade of his career he had reached the rank of Colonel, during the next decade Osmany was not destined to get a single promotion. During his attachment in the General Staff Branch as Deputy Director of Military Operations and Plans, Col. Osmany as extra duty attended the meetings of CENTO SEATO and Air Defense Committee of Pakistan as Pakistan Army advisor.
Pakistan was left with 6 infantry divisions and one armored brigade after the division of the British Indian army in 1947, although none of these formations were fully equipped or staffed at that time. The number of Bengali officers and soldiers in the newly formed Pakistan armed forces was little due to the British preference to recruit from so called Martial Races, and because numerous non Muslim Bengali personnel had opted to join the Indian Army after the British left. Pakistan army had raised only two battalions of East Bengal Regiment during 1947-1950, while a number of Punjab Regiments had been inherited from the British Indian Army. The Azad Kashmir Regiment was created soon after the Indo-Pakistan 1948 war.
When Osmani joined the GHQ in 1956, 3 East Bengal regiments and the East Bengal Regimental Centre (EBRC) had come into existence within the constitution of the Pakistan army. During the next 9 years, the number of Punjab Regiments (reorganized in 1956) reached almost 50, the Frontier Force Regiments (created 1957) and Baluch Regiments (created in 1957) were reaching the mid-40s, while the Azad Kashmir regiment was numbering in the 40s. Only 6 East Bengal Regiments had been created during the alike time span. The reasons for this situation were:
Pakistani officers not swayed by the above facts were skeptical about the adaptability of Bengali soldiers in West Pakistani environment, where the bulk of Pakistani forces were concentrated according to the Pakistani strategy: Defence of East Pakistan lies in the West. The neglect of East Pakistan defence infrastructure was another bone of contention between Osmani and the Pakistani High command. In 1965 the Pakistani Army had 13 infantry and 2 armoured divisions in service, but only 1 under-strength infantry division was based in East Pakistan. Osmany fought with his seniors on these issues and was sidelined as a result.
Osmany was sidelined by Pakistani Generals despite being the DDMO during the 1965 war. Having almost nothing to do, he dedicated his time to issues regarding the East Bengal Regiments. He complained that Pakistan Press were suppressing the contributions of his old unit, 1st Bengal, posted at Kasur during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965,. Successive COs (both Bengali and non-Bengali) of 1 EBR had built on the foundation Osmany had laid, and the battalion, under the command of Lt. Col. A.T.K. Haque (Bengali), won a total of 17 gallantry awards (including two Sitara-i-Jurat and 9 Tamgha-i-Jurat), the highest number of awards won by any Pakistan Armed Force unit busy in that conflict. Osmany visited the unit and recommended Nishan-i-Haider for a member, and he was reportedly livid when the battalion CO declined to support his recommendation. However, he arranged reunions for Bengal regiments alumni, and took every possibility to enhance the reputation of Bengali units in the Pakistan army. His hard core principles, his fierce loyalty and integrity, and determination to improve the standards of all Bengali personnel in the Pakistan army and his willingness to take on anyone who differed with him earned him quite a measure of honor and prestige.
After the 1965 he chaired the committee tasked with determining the required Army reserve and logistical requirement in possible future conflicts, and from the last half of 1965 to April 1966 he was the President of Army Sports Control Board. On 16 May 1966 he went on leave prior to retirement (LPR). Osmany's successor as DDMO was (then) Col. Rao Farman Ali - another person destined for infamy in Bangladesh in 1971. Farman was reportedly horrified upon seeing how Osmani was treated in the Pakistan army. His office was completely run down, Osmani was kept out of the loop and purposefully neglected, even the office help treated him with disdain. Osmany had not been promoted because he was a Bengali and was deemed untrustworthy by the high command.
Col. Osmani retired from Pakistani Armed Forces on 16 February 1967. Although his efforts had failed to increase the number of Bengal regiments, Pakistani High command, upon the recommendation of Lt. General Khwaja Wasiuddin, had put the existing regiments through a battery of exercises in West Pakistan to test their adaptability and combat readiness. Maj. Gen. Shaikh, evaluator of the exercises, had commented that the Bengali units had performed superbly and the proud Bengali soldiers took in representing East Pakistan was one key component of their success. He recommended against disbanding the units and raising mixed regiments.
Pakistani high command did not increase the number of Bengali units until after 1968, when following a pledge by General Yahya Khan, the number of Bengal regiments were increased to 10 and all new units were ordered to ensure at least 25% Bengali representation among the annual new recruits of the army. Osmani, known as Papa Tiger continued to enjoy a positive, revered image among the serving Bengali rank and file in the Pakistan armed forces during his retirement, chiefly because of his role in standing up for Bengali soldiers. Although he was not the most senior among Bengali officers (Major General Ishfakul Majid -commissioned after passing out of Sandhurst in 1924 holds this honor) nor did he reach the highest rank in the Pakistani army among Bengalis (Lt. General Khwaja Wasiuddin holds that distinction), Osmani, along with Lt. General Wasiuddin (Colonel Commandant EBR) and Brig. M.H. Mozumdar (Commandant EBRC) were seen as the patron and guide for Bengali troops.
Col. Osmani was not directly involved in the Agartala Conspiracy Case. The people involved had sought his opinion through (then) Captain Khandker Nazmul Huda (Accused No 27, later Sub Sector Commander in BDF in 1971, Colonel in Bangladesh Army in 1975) and Osmani had recommended a political, not armed solution for the discrimination faced by Bengalis in Pakistan. ISI had questioned Osmani in 1958 before the trials began on the issues related to the case. Osmani was neither arrested or implicated although the official charge sheet documented that the accused had contacting him and Osmani had attended a meeting as a "listener".
After his retirement, Osmani entered politics of East Pakistan. He joined the Sheikh Mujib Pakistan Awami League in 1970. As a candidate from Awami League, he contested the election from the Balaganj - Fenchuganj Upazila area in Sylhet and he was elected as a member of the national meeting of the country. Osmani was not destined to serve as a MNA in the Pakistan assembly because after the commencement of Bangladesh War of Independence, he became a member of the Bangladesh Provisional government.
Col. (ret.) Osmani and Maj. Gen. (ret.) Majid formed part of the team that advised the Awami League leadership on military issues during 1971. As the political crisis deepened in March, many serving Bengali officers of the Pakistan Armed Forces began looking to Bengali politicians for guidance, and Col. Osmani was selected as the coordinator of these clandestine meetings. Bengali Military officers (both retired and serving), alarmed by the buildup of Pakistani forces apprehensive about their own fates, and maintained contact with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some contacted Col. Osmany for advice and guidance and to maintain a link with Awami League leaders. Osmany reportedly agreed to coordinate the activities of various Bengali units but toeing the party line, advised all officers against taking any "rash" actions. Brig. M.R. Mazunder (Martiaal Law Administrator Chittagong area), Lt. Col Rezaul Jalil (CO 1st EBR) were all given the alike message. The Pakistan Awami League pursued the course of non cooperation, preferring a political solution, and refused to sanction a preemptive strike. Sheikh Mujib was hard bent on his leading principle, the unity of Pakistan. Osmani saw no other alternative, went underground.
In the days prior to the crackdown student and youth wings of Awami League had set up training camps countrywide and trained volunteers with the aid of Bengali Ansars/Mujahids and student cadets. Air of "independence" was in full flow, despite the fact that Awami League leadership had refrained from declaring independence on March 7, 1971 or later. Bengali ex-servicemen of Pakistan Armed forces had also held rallies to declare their support for Independence. Serving Bengali officers and troops also kept in touch with the political situation on the ground and unfolding around East Pakistan which was already becoming uncertain and confrontational. Maj. Gen (retired) Ishfakul Majid and Col (ret.) M.A.G Osmani allegedly designed a military plan of action, which broadly was:
Bengali officers had advised the sabotage of fuel dumps at Narayanganj and Chittagong to ground Pakistani air power and cripple armed force mobility.
Awami League leadership opted to try for the political solution and did not endorse any action or preparation for conflict by Bengali soldiers prior to the start of the crackdown. Warnings by Bengali officers that the Pakistan army was preparing to strike were ignored, junior Bengali officers were told by their seniors not to behave rashly and keep out of political issues.
Despite all the political filibustering, public fanfare and alleged preparation for armed struggle, Pakistani army caught the Bengali political leadership and Bengali soldiers flatfooted. The resistance Pakistanis encountered country wide once Operation Searchlight was launched was spontaneous and disorganized, not a preplanned coordinated military answer under a central command structure. Almost the entire Pakistan Awami League leadership fled and escaped to Calcutta, India. In most cases Bengali soldiers were unaware of the situation around the country, many units continued to perform routine duties as late as March 31 and rebelled only after they came under Pakistani attack. Some Pakistani generals suggested declaring a general amnesty for Bengali troops upon observing the situation as early as March 31 (it was ignored). Although warned of the departure of Yahia Khan and the movement of Pakistani troops, the declaration of independence by Major Ziaur Rahman on March 26 was given after the attack had commenced and was largely unnoticed (ironically Pakistanis picked it up). No countrywide communication reached Bengali soldiers to begin the uprising, Bengali troops and officers took the initiative to insurgent upon being attacked or hearing the news of the Pakistani attack.
Col. Osmany was present at the house of Sheikh Mujib when Bengali officers informed Awami League leaders of the departure of Yahia Khan and army movement. After failing to persuade Sheikh Mujib to go into hiding, Osmani himself hid in Dhaka until March 29, shaved off his noted mustache (he was often called the man attached to a mustache) then made for the Indian border. Osmani first went to Jingira, then to Daudkandi via boat. He was detained by local people in Daudkandi, who were suspicious of him, before the brother of the local member of parliament helped him to get free. He then walked, took boat and crossed the Gomoti with the help of another Bengali officer who was with Army Signal Corps to arrive India by 2 April 1971.
Col. Osmani arrived at Teliapara, where 2nd and 4th East Bengal Regiments (EBR) had established a temporary base accompanied by Brig. Panday of BSF on April 2, 1971. A meeting of Bengali Officers took place on April 4, which was attended by (then) Lt. Col (ret.) M.A Rab, Maj. K.M. Shafiullah (CO 2 EBR), Maj. Khaled Musharraf (CO - 4 EBR), Ziaur Rahman (CO - 8 EBR), Lt. Col Salahuddin Reza, Major (ret) Qazi Nurujjaman, Major Shafat Jamil and other officers. Chaired by Col. Osmani, The following was discussed:
Col Osmani designated 4 Sector Commanders: Maj. Ziaur Rahman (Chittagong area), Maj. Khaled Musharraf (Comilla), Maj. K M Shafiullah (Sylhet) and Maj. Abu Osman Chowdhury (Kushtia-Jessore).. He also appointed Lt. Col. Salahuddin Reza as the Sector Commander for Mymensingh Area, and on April 7 instructed Major Q.N. Jaman to oversee operations in Sylhet. The officers agreed a government in exile should be formed from political leaders and the Bengali forces should be placed under its authority. Col Osmani visited Mukti Bahini positions in Sylhet, on April 9 he visited Captain Aziz with 2 EBR Charlie Company near Sylhet. On the same day another convention took place, this time attended by Brig. Panday and Director General Rustomji of BSF, moreover to Bengali officers. The issues discussed included:
General Osmani did not assume personal command of the Bangladesh Forces until after April 17, 1971. The existing Bengali fighting formations were located far away from each other, and lacking a proper command staff and more importantly a fully integrated communication network, exercising real-time command over the widely spread formations was impossible. Osmani instead chose to allow the designated sector commanders to fight on as they saw fit, while he toured the designated sectors, and met with Indian officials in New Delhi and Kolkata. He conferred Tajiuddin and along with spoke to Indian authorities on two points only. The two precept points were weapons and communications. Supplying weapons, ammunition and adequate communications gear was and remains the most expensive business in any military. To the poorly equipped Indian army in 1971, such a notion was hardly affordable. The Indian officials with its meager resources had to disclaim any requests for weapons or communications. Furthermore, communication supplies resulting in unaccounted for status would result in a serious problem. Indian army planners had very little idea or training on tough terrains of Bangladesh, which was just devastated by a severe cyclone. General Osmani along with most of his senior command staff was very knowledgeable and well trained obviously having served in East Pakistan. The Indian army inquired about Osmani's plans, understood the outlined the situation in Bangladesh, had assisted to organize the Bangladesh Forces constitution and sounded out the possibility of open Indian intervention the ripe moment.
The Bengali resistance had put up an unforeseen stiff resistance and had managed to derail the initial Pakistani estimate of pacifying East Pakistan by April 10. However, the initial successes were not sustainable as the Bengali forces began to suffer from lack of trained men, officers, coordination among scattered troops and the lack of central command structure, proper supplies (despite limited aid from BSF), although majority of the country was still outside Pakistani control. Pakistani army had airlifted the 9th and 16th infantry division to Bangladesh by April 10 and was poised to grab the initiative. Gen. Niazi, obtaining a brief from Gen. Raza (the departing GOC East Pakistan), implemented the following strategy:
Against this strategy Bengali field commanders opted to go with holding as much area for as long as possible, The Bengali political leadership hoped to keep he Pakistanis confined into the cities, while the government in exile sought diplomatic recognition and the resistance prepared for guerrilla warfare and awaited the expected of Indian military intervention. Lacking everything except unskilled volunteers, Mukti Bahini fought a conventional battle against an enemy enjoying superiority in number of trained men, firepower, and complete air superiority and played to the strength of Pakistanis. Choosing to attack Bengali forces all over Bangladesh simultaneously, Gen. Niazi concentrated battalion and brigade size forces on company and battalion size defense positions repeatedly, used air strikes and artillery barrages disregarding civilian safety, employed Heli-borne troops to outflank positions and hammered through to reach chosen objectives. Pakistani troop convoys were repeatedly ambushed, but these only delayed the Pakistani advance temporarily. By Mid May, Pakistani forces had regained control of most of the province, and by mid June, the battered remnants of the Bengali forces had been driven across the border into India.
The leading reason Generals Farman and Yakub had opposed any military action against civilians in East Pakistan was the fear of an Indian attack, which the Pakistan army was woefully unprepared to meet in March 1971. After the crackdown, Tajuddin Ahmed met with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on April 3, 1971 and asked for all possible aid, by which time the Indian government had already opened East Pakistan border and the BSF was offering limited aid to the Bengali resistance. The issue of direct military intervention was discussed between the Indian military and political leadership in April 1971. The case for intervention was based on the following:
Although some of the Bengali leadership hoped for and expected an Indian military operation at the earliest, a view also shared by some Indian officers, Indian army eastern command decided in the present condition such a move was unadvisable, and a full attack could only take place after November 15 at the earliest, after deliberate and extensive preparations, which was further elaborated to the Indian cabinet by Gen. Sam Manekshaw. Indian leadership decided not to directly ??intervene??, but chose to get ??involved??: Eastern command took over responsibility for East Pakistan operations on April 29, and on May 15 launched Operation Jackpot, a full-fledged operation to arm, train, equip, provide and advice the Mukti Bahihi fighters engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Pakistan armed forces. As an Indian diplomat commented to General Osmani, expecting direct Indian armed intervention in April was not practical.
During the period of April?June, General Osmani was busy with touring the various areas in an effort to boost morale and collect information, meeting with his Indian counterparts and setting up the Bangladesh forces command structure. The Indian army had taken over supplying the Mukti Bahini since May 15 and launched Operation Jackpot to equip, train, provide and advise Mukti Bahini. By mid June, Bengali fighters had been driven into India and was in the process of setting up infrastructure to run a sustained, coordinated guerrilla campaign. Bengali high command had begun to rebuilt and redeploy Mukti Bahini units since mid May, and now began to tackle the task in earnest. During June ?July, Mukti Bahini activity slacked off and the quality and effect of the insurgency was timid and poor.
The task of planning and running the war was enormous, much more so because of the acute scarcity of trained officers in the surviving Bengali forces. Of the 17,000 active duty Bengali soldiers (Army and EPR) who faced the Pakistani onslaught on March 25, 1971, about 4000 became prisoners, and casualties had reduced the number of available trained personnel even further. Retired servicemen and new trainees had boosted that ranks somewhat, but further training and recruiting was needed to accomplish the maximum possible results. Having lost the initial conventional war, but having secured Indian support and set up an infrastructure to run the war, the next step for the Mukti Bahini commanders was to come up with a comprehensive strategy with clearly defined roles and goals - something that also involved creating a substantial guerrilla force from scratch.
The July 10?15 sector commanders conference was to provide much needed guidance in this regard. The conference was chaired by Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed and coordinated by Gen. Osmani, and took place at 8, Theater Road, HQ of the Bangladesh Government in exile.
Col. Osmani was not present during the first day of the conference -he had resigned as CIC Bangladesh forces the previous day. A group of Bengali officers had discussed an idea about creating a War Council, with Maj. Ziaur Rahman as its head and all the sector commanders as members to run the war effort - Osmani was to be the Defence Minister. Presented by Major Q.N. Zaman and supported by Maj. Ziaur Rahman during a discussion session of all sector commanders, the officers feared that given the distance between sector headquarters and Kolkata and the poor state of communication, it might be better to have a separate operational wing to run the war effort to lessen the burden on Osmani. The facts were later probably misrepresented to Col. Osmani, who resigned as this proposal was not complementary to his leadership abilities or to his post as CIC. The following day Osmani resumed his post as CIC after all sector commanders requested him to renew his post. The meeting went on without a glitch and decisions on strategy and organization was taken - all of which were imperative for the War. The major decisions were:
Regular Forces: This contained the defecting Bengali soldiers and retired members of the Pakistan army and EPR troops. Organised into battalions, these later became known as Z Force, K Force and S Force brigades. Lack of trained regular troops meant majority of recruits were either ex EPR servicemen or newly trained recruits. Those trained men from regular army, EPR, police, Ansar/Mujahids not included in the regular formations were formed into sector troops - which were more lightly armed but operated as conventional force units. Army officers were in command of these detachments. Sector troops were not armed like the regular battalions, but received monthly salaries like their comrades. The regular force personnel initially operated in the border areas.
Freedom Fighters: Also known as Gonobahini, the newly trained guerrillas were part of this organization. They were lightly armed, received no monthly pay and were deployed mostly inside Bangladesh upon completion of training.
General Osmani decided on the strategy for Bangladesh forces to follow and liaised with the Indian brass to keep them appraised of such decisions during July - December 1971, but he was not destined to organize an operation like the Tet Offensive or lead in a battle similar to Dien Bien Phu during his sting as C-in-C of Bangladesh forces. His leadership and strategy was a product of his professional career and the demands of the situation on the ground, which also influenced his leadership style to a big extent. He relied on his background of active participation in the South-East Asian sector during the Second World War. From May 15 the Indian army began to help make the liberation force. Major-General Sarker of the Indian Army was appointed as the Liaison Officer between Bangladesh Government-in-exile and the Indian Army. In the meantime Major Safiullah, Major Khaled Musharraf and Colonel Osmani met at Teliapara, a place in Sylhet district and prepared a basic paper on the strategy of the liberation war. His differences with the Indian brass was to begin with the selection of his initial battle strategy. Bangladesh government had hoped to bring sb. up a regular force of 30,000 soldiers and 100,000 guerrillas during 1971 ? something which the Indians thought unrealistic. There were also issues concerning the training, deployment and objectives of these forces where opinions between Bangladeshi and Indian leadership differed.
General Osmani was a conventional soldier with orthodox views and his initial strategy reflects his background. The uncertainty over the timing, scope and scale of direct Indian military intervention was another factor that influenced his decision. Osmani decided to bring sb. up a conventional force of regular battalions and use them to free an area around Sylhet, while organizing countrywide guerrilla activity as the secondary effort. Bangladesh government in exile requested Osmani to make use of the one resource available in abundance: manpower, and he did not object to the plan of sending thousands of guerrillas into Bangladesh with minimal training. It was hoped that some of the guerrillas would attain the level of expertise needed through experience.
The Indian planners were concerned with the quality and effectiveness of a force raised in haste. They were concerned that such a force would lack the trained junior leaders needed to run an effective campaign. They had envisioned a force of perhaps 8,000 personnel with at least 3/4 months training (leaders receiving longer training), led by the surviving officer/men of the EBR/EPR to begin operations in small cells inside Bangladesh by August 1971. The raising of additional battalions only drained away potential leadership candidates away from the guerrilla forces -undesirable for the Indian outlook.
General Osmani was stubbornly insistent, and his stubbornness did not sit well with the Indians - who thought deputy chief of staff A.K Khandkar was easier to work with. However, Indians provided support in raising 3 additional battalions and 3 artillery batteries, but also insisted that the raising guerrillas be given due attention, to which Osmani raised no objection. Indians and Osmani differed on the location of the Free area - Indians suggested Mymensingh, but Osmani opted for Sylhet. General Osmani got his way again. Thus while the EBR battalions made ready, Mukti Bahini began sending 2,000 - 5,000 guerrillas inside Bangladesh each month from July onwards. Mukti Bahini commanders had agreed to the following objectives for the guerrillas during the sector commanders meeting:
General Osmani, however, supported the Indian initiative for training Naval commandos, who were an elite unit trained as per the Indian doctrine, and achieved spectacular results during 1971, demonstrating that he was pragmatic enough to accept Indian suggestions. He took exception to the creation of Bangladesh Liberation Force, a stance supported by sector commanders and the Bangladesh government in exile.
Pakistan army, after expelling the Mukti Bahini from Bangladesh by May 1971, enjoyed a relatively peaceable time between June and July 1971. Mukti Bahini activities had slacked off during the months of preparation, and although the Indian army had begun shelling border outposts (about 50% of the existing 370 were destroyed by the end of July) to ensure easier infiltration into occupied territories. Bengali regular forces were not ready for operation until mid July. With the conflict largely polarized around the India-East Pakistan border region, Pakistan Eastern command began reorganizing their forces to consolidate their control of the province. The following strategic and tactical steps were taken:
This vast organization was employed to control the province with an iron fist. Pakistani authorities decided to continue the terror campaign, and rejected all call for political compromise and general amnesty, and did nothing to assuage the feeling of the Bengali population suffering under the army occupation. Strategically, the army deployed in all the sensitive towns, while the other para military units were deployed around the country. The EPCAF took over the duties of the defunct EPR ? border and internal security. Pakistani forces occupied 90 Border Out Posts (BOPs) that were deemed crucial, out of 390, half of which had been destroyed by Indian shellfire by July end. Often ad hoc units were created by mixing EPCAF and Razakars around a skeliton army formation for deployment in forward areas. Pakistan army probably enjoyed their most peaceable period during the occupation of Bangladesh in 1971 between Late May and mid July, when Mukti Bahini was reorganizing and the Indian army was implementing Operation Jackpot in their support. From their bases the army conducted sweep and clearing operations in the neighboring areas to root out insurgents and their supporters. In absence of a fully fledged logistical system, the troops were ordered to live off the land ? abuse of which led to widespread looting and arson. With the insurgency in its infancy ? Pakistani army was most active during April - June 1971.
Mukti Bahini commanders had agreed to the following objectives during the sector commanders meeting :
As Bengali guerrillas began to increase their numbers and activities inside Bangladesh from June onwards, sending 2000 ? 5000 guerrillas across the border and began to become more active in the border areas, Pakistani army also began to adapt to the situation. Razakars and EPCAF were employed to deal with the internal security matters. Pakistan forces, unable to match the Indians shell for shell, declined to take up the challenge, relying on sudden barrages at selected areas. Choosing not to defend all the border outposts, Pakistani forces occupied and fortified 90 strategically located BOPs, while over half of 390 BOPs were eventually destroyed by Indian shellfire by July end to make Mukti Bahini infiltration easier. Pakistanis also build up an intelligence networks to collect information on Mukti Bahini activity and sent informers across the border to give early warning of Mukti Bahini activity. Denied permission to launch cross border preemptive strikes, ambushes were laid for Mukti Bahini infiltrators and artillery was used to interdict movement whenever possible. Time consuming efforts were made to defuse mines, a favorite Mukti Bahini weapon. The Mukti Bahini activity was viewed as timid and the main achievements were blowing up of culverts, minimg deserted railway tracks, and harassment of Pakistani collaborators. Bengali regular forces had attacked BOPs in Mymensingh Comilla and Sylhet, but the results were mixed. Pakistani authorities concluded that they had successfully contained the Monsoon Offensive, and they were not far from the truth.
The sector commanders reviewed the results of the Mukti Bahini activities during June ? August 1971, and General Osmani also conducted an overall assessment in September 1971. The findings were not encouraging; Mukti Bahini had failed to meet the expectations. The reasons for this were numerous and had to be properly handled to get the war effort on course. The main reasons identified were:
The failure of the so-called monsoon offensive caused Bangladesh forces high command to rethink their strategy. Since the Bengali brigades (Z,K and S forces) were not ready to liberate and hold a ??lodgement area?? on their own, and there were several issues to with the ongoing guerrilla campaign. It was lucid a long struggle awaited the Bangladeshi resistance, which could be cut short with a direct Indian military intervention ? which was still uncertain. Several factors changed prior to Bangladesh High Command implementing the next strategy.
Initially, General Osmani thought about dismantling the regular battalions operating under Z, K and S forces and sending platoons from these forces to aid the guerrillas. His associates advised against this and he ultimately let them be, but deployed the Z force battalions separately to aid guerrilla actions around Sylhet. It was decided to senr at least 20,000 trained guerrillas into Bangladesh from September onwards. If even 1/3 of the force succeeded in it? objective, the effect on the Pakistani forces would be devastating.
Despite the limitations and challenges rising from the state of the Indian transport system (training camps were located inside India), remoteness of the guerrilla bases, unavailability and inadequacy of proper supplies, and the decision of Bangladesh High Command to put the maximum number of guerrillas into battle in the minimum time possible (often after 4 to 6 weeks of training, sometimes resulting in only 50% of the personnel receiving firearms initially), the operation was effective enough to support the 30,000 regular soldiers (8 infantry battalions, and sector troops) and 100,000 guerrillas that Bangladesh eventually fielded in 1971, and help run a Mukti Bahini crusade that destroyed or damaged at least 231 bridges, 122 railway lines and 90 power stations, while killing 237 officers, 136 JCOs/NCOs and 3,559 soldiers, of the Pakistan army and an unspecified number of EPCAF and police and an estimated 5,000 Razakar personnel during the period of April?November 1971. The Mukti Bahini efforts also demoralised the Pakistani Army to the extent that, by November, they left their bases only if the need arose. The Pakistani high command decided not to yield any territory and deploy their forces along the whole border. The grouping and regrouping of forces to safe the border and deal with the Mukti Bahini inside Bangladesh led to a loss of cohesion among Pakistani units, especially among the infantry, artillery and mortar regiments. The loss of maneuverability exposed them to a one-dimensional battle. This stretched them thin without any effective reserves, and they became vulnerable to selective Indian and Bengali strikes when the Undeclared War started from mid November. The prolonged exposure and stable casualties also sapped morale and reduced the effeciveness of the troops considerably
Bengali Naval commandos managed to sink or damage 126 ships/coasters/ferries during that time span, while one source confirms at least 65 vessels of various types (15 Pakistani ships, 11 coasters, 7 gunboats, 11 barges, 2 tankers and 19 river craft by November 1971). had been sunk between August?November 1971. At least 100,000 tons of shipping was sunk or crippled, jetties and wharves were disabled and channels blocked, and the commandos kept East Pakistan in a state of siege without having a single vessel The operational capability of Pakistan Navy was reduced as a result and the contribution of the Mukti Bahini to the eventual defeat of Pakistan was enormous, which would not have been as effective without the aid of Operation Jackpot.
General Osmani was not a micro-manager who liked to run the day by day operations and delve on details of every plan being hatched by the sector commanders. He delegated much to the sector commanders, which gave them broad freedom of action but also increased their workload - often stretching their shorthanded sector staff beyond their limits. On the other hand, given the distance between Kolkata and the sector Hqs and the absence of any direct links (communications had to be channeled through Indian army comm. system), General Osmani had little choice but to delegate. However, the absence of an integrated command structure made it impossible to implement a full-fledged strategy well timed -which was a weakness that remain unsolved.
Bangladesh Government had decided to form a joint command, which gave Indian Army Eastern Command, headed by Lt. General J.. Aurora, operational authority over Mukti Bahini forces, while Osmani was on inspection of the front lines in Kurigram during early November 1971. The decision was first taken by Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed in October and later ratified by Bangladesh Government Cabinet and formalised with the Indian government to avoid confusion and increase coordination when between Indian and Bangladesh forces when both started operating in Bangladesh. Gen. Osmani seriously argued that such an action had no justification. He had argued that Indian units could very well serve with and under the leadership of Bangladesh Forces in their struggle. He seriously split with the Bangladesh Government over this issue and threatened to resign. Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed agreed to accept the resignation if a written resignation was submitted. Gen. Osmani dropped the issue.
General Osmani was Commander in Chief of all Bangladesh forces, but a number of units were outside the control of Bangladesh forces HQ. Bengali fighters had raised several bands to fight the Pakistani opposition in various areas of Bangladesh (Kaderia Bahini, led by Tiger Siqqiqi of Tangail is the most famous), and these operated independently of Bangladesh HQ. Osmani spared little thought on them, but the so call Mujib Bahini became a major cause of concern for the Bangladesh government in exile establishment. The Leaders of the Mujib Bahini were initially given permission by General Osmani to recruit student and youth volunteers for the war, but in fact had become leaders of a fully organized, well-armed and -trained force, who allegiance was firstly to Sheikh Mujib and then to their own commanders, not to the Bangladesh government in exile.
No one doubted the skill of the Mujib Bahini or commitment of its members to Bangladesh or their patriotism. Trained by General Uban, an insurgency expert, this force operated under the direction of R&AW outside the Bangladesh forces chain of command and the knowledge of Bangladesh government. Mujib Bahini members were better trained and better armed than their Mukti Bahini counterparts. Bangladeshi government and military leadership were concerned because:
Bangladesh Government in exile took various diplomatic initiatives, including approaching RAW director Ramnath Kao to bring this organization under the control of the government or under General Osmani without success. By August it was lucid the independent activities of Mujib Bahini was detrimental for the war effort and Gen Osmani threatened to resign unless they were brought within the command structure of Bangladesh forces. A meeting with D.P Dhar on August 29 produced an assurance that Mujib Bahini would inform of their activities beforehand to the sector commander prior to commencing their operations. Another meeting with Ramnath Kao on September 18 produced nothing about R&AW relinquishing their control over Mujib Bahini.
On October 21, Bangladesh Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed met with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and she ordered D.P Dhar to solve the issue, who in turn informed Lt. Gen. B.N. Sarkar to meet with Mujib Bahini leaders and take necessary steps. Mujib Bahini leaders failed to show up, but sensing which way the wind was blowing, stopped their disruptive activities. Mujib Bahini, along with the Special Frontier Force under the command of Maj. Gen. Uban, went on to liberate Rangamati in December and helped the Indians dismantle the Mizo insurgent network.
There have been several controversy theories regarding Col. Osmani not being in Dhaka in December 16, 1971. The most verified information remains Osamani's helicopter which was supposed to carry him to Dhaka form Sylhet was damaged in midair by gun fire & it crash landed in an open field despite being cleared of any Pakistani artillery not in existence on the pathway. Controversial absence of Colonel Osmani from the victory ceremony After the crash, where Col. Osmani & his crew have been wounded, were rescued immediately by an Indian surveillance jeep, but remained out of touch with Indian and Bangladesh HQ and could not reach Dhaka in time. Regardless of such suspicious situation both Bangladesh & Indian Government stayed blind eyed & sought no further inquiry on the incident.Whereabouts of the C-in-C on 16 Dec. 1971 Osmani was elevated to the rank of General of the Bangladesh Armed Forces with effect from the date 16 December 1971.
Bangladesh Government decided to issue four types of medal of valor namely Bir Shereshto, Bir Uttam, Bir Bikram and Bir Pratik for freedom fighters. The list of awardees were selected by several sector commanders and General Osmani at the beginning of 1972. When the list was published, it came under criticism and was initially cancelled before being officially formalized. General Osmani had been criticized for alleged bias for supporting the list.
After the Bangladesh Liberation War ended with the surrender of Pakistan Armed Forces to the joint command of India and Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, Col. Osmani arrived in Dhaka on December 22 and set up his HQ probably in the "LOG Area HQ Building" in Dhaka cantonment. On January 9, 1972, Gen. Osmani ordered the arrangement of the Bangladesh Armed Forces Honor Guard that received Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on his return on January 10, 1972 at Tezgaon Airport. Bangladesh Government promoted him to Four Star General (the first ever in Bangladesh history) effective from December 16, 1971 on April 7, 1972, after January 10, 1972 to honor his contribution during the liberation war. General Osmani continued to be the commander in chief of Bangladesh forces, which was equivalent to the post of a civilian cabinet minister.
Col. Osmani and Senior Sector Commanders of Mukti Bahini held a conference in Dhaka from January 2 to January 11, 1972 to discuss the future of Bangladesh Armed Forces among other issues. Lt. Col. Abu Taher (Commander Sector 11 -wounded) and Major Jalil (Commander Sector 9 - Closed) were not present in the meeting. In line with the Six Point Programme and Bangladesh Government Cabinet decision to form a National Militia, the conference set up a committee to oversee the formation of this organization. This Militia was to be formed with members of Mukti Bahini and the members of the former East Pakistan Rifles. Major A.N.M Nuruzzaman (Commander Sector 3) was selected to command the militia.
Bangladesh Armed Forces were also reorganized, personnel from Army, Navy, Air Force and Police were ordered to join their respective organizations and Ex- EPR members joined the newly formed National Militia. Regular Bangladesh Army and Mukti Bahini formations initially were positioned at: Mukti Bahini Sector 1 and K Force in Chittagong, Mukti Bahini Sectosr 2 and 3 in Comilla, Z Force, Sectors 4 and 5 in Sylhet, Sector 6 in Dinajpur and Sector 7 in Rangpur, Sector 8 and 9 in Jessore and Sector 11 and S force in Dhaka.
On February 16, 1972 tension between Mukti Bahini members and former EPR members who had not been able to join the Liberation War, erupted in a shooting episode at Pilkhana. Gen Osmani was informed of the incident and arrived at Pilkhana, but was unable to enter due to the ongoing shooting. The firing stopped once President Mujibur Rahman arrived on the scene. General Osmani and Bangabandhu then defused the situation. It was decided to keep the EPR intact as Bangladesh Rifles and create another force called Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini with the Mukti Bahini members. In April 1972 Bangladesh Government decided to abolish the post of Commander in Chief and create the post of Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Air Staff and Chief of Naval Staff to separate the command structure of the three services.
Bangladesh Army Infantry, Artillery, Signals, Medical and Engineers arms had been formed during the Liberation War. Between January and March the 12th East Bengal Regiment was formed in Jessore, the 13th EBR (from sector 2 and 3 personnel) in Comilla, 14th and 15th EBR (sector 7 personnel) in Rangpur, 16th EBR (Sector 11 personnel) in Joydevpur, 17th EBR in Dinajpur (Sector 6 personnel) 18th EBR in Comilla (Sector 4 and 5 personnel) and 19th EBR (Sector 1 personnel) in Chittagong. Bangladesh Army next organized 5 infantry brigades, Z force moved from Sylhet to Comilla and became the 44th Brigade, S force in Dhaka was designated the 46th Brigade, K Force moved to Jessore as the 55th Brigade, the 65th Brigade was formed in Chittagong and the 72nd in Rangpur.
The newly formed Bangladesh army had shortage of trained personnel. None of the Mukti Bahini Officers had the training or experience of running an army (the Senior most officers had been Majors in 1971 and at most had commanded a battalion). Furthermore, there were 1100 Bengali officers and 23,000 soldiers interned in West Pakistan, awaiting repatriation to Bangladesh. These Officers included Generals and several Brigadiers with the training and experience that would be invaluable for the newly formed Bangladesh forces, who had to be integrated in Bangladesh forces after their return. General Osmani may have harbored hopes of becoming the defense minister, so he could continue to stay attached to military affairs, but once Bangladesh Government abolished the post of Commander in Chief, he retired from the army on April 7, 1972 and was appointed as Cabinet Minister with the portfolio of Air and Inland Water Transport Authority on April 12, 1972. Gen. Osmani was an elected member of the parliament and Bangladesh Armed Forces personnel are not allowed to hold political office. Bangladesh Forces General Headquarters was abolished, the Army, Navy and Air Force was now headed by separate commanders. Captain Nurul Huq became Chief of Navy Staff while Group Captain A.K Khandker, who was Deputy Chief of Staff of Bangladesh Forces, became Chief of Bangladesh Air Force.
Lt. Col M.A. Rab, the first Chief of Staff of Bangladesh Army (April 12, 1971 - April 7, 1972), was promoted to the rank of Major General and retired on April 7, 1972. It is believed that General Osmani was consulted regarding his successor and he had recommended then Brigadier. K.M Shafiullah for the post to President Sheikh Mujib. The 4 serving senior most army officers who had joined Mukti Bahini in March 1971 from Pakistan Army were: Lt. Col. Salahuddin Mohammad Reza, Major C.R. Dutta, Major Ziaur Rahman and Major K.M. Shafiullah. Lt. Col Reza was retired as a Colonel in 1972 and C.R Dutta, who was on leave prior to retirement in March 1971 was to become director of Bangladesh Rifles.
Ziaur Rahman had joined the Liberation War on March 25, 1971, K.M Shafiullah joined on March 28, 1971. Furthermore, Zia and Shafiullah were commissioned on the same day in Pakistan Army (12th PMA Long Course, on 18 September 1955), but Zia was senior to Shafiullah in the ultimate rankings. Osmani did not have cordial relationship with Ziaur Rahman. Osmani had wanted to sack (then) Lt. Col. Zia after the battle of Kamalpur. However, it is possible that Osmani made no recommendation and the appointmenk of Shafiullah, superseding Ziaur Rahman was a political decision.
Bangladesh Government had issued a Presidential Decree in 1972 turning the existing Cadet colleges into government colleges. A delegation of ex cadets visited (then) Brigadier Ziaur Rahman, who helped then get an appointment with Minister Osmani. Osmani obtained a meeting with President Mujibur Rahman, and after a discussion with him the decree was withdrawn.
Lt. General Khwaja Wasiuddin was the senior most Bengali serving in Pakistan Army after the forced retirement of Maj. Gen. Ishfaqul Majid in 1961. General Wasiuddin had commanded the II Corps of the Pakistan Army in 1971 (then based in Multan) and had planned to defect, but was unable to do so when he was posted in the Army HQ in Rawalpindi as the Master General Ordnance. After the defeat of Pakistan he opted for Bangladesh and was interned in his home. General Wasiuddin managed to leave for London in October 1972, and then came to Bangladesh. Osmani had served alongside (then) Brigadier Wasiuddin in 1959 at the GHQ in Rawalpindi GHQ, where Wasiuddin was working on the idea of creating Bengal Artillery Regiments and he shared a cordial relationship with Osmani.
General Osmani had received him at the Airport and introduced him to important Awami League leaders. Lt. general Wasiuddin was 54 years old and his experience would have been invaluable for newly formed Bangladesh Army. Rumors spread that Bangladesh Government had intended to make Wasiuddin the Army Chief of Staff at the recommendation of Osmani, which was later overturned because some of the Freedom Fighters in Bangladesh Army staff threatened to resign. Osmani was supposedly hurt by this turn of events General Wasiuddin was posted as an Ambassador. However, when (then) Brigadier Shafiullah, who had replaced Major General M.A. Rab as Chief of Staff in April discreetly enquired about the rumors, Shiekh Mujib reportedly commented that only tested patriots would be the Chief of Staff of Bangladesh Army.
He resigned from the cabinet in May 1975 after the introduction of a one-party government system thanks to the fourth amendment to the constitution. Along with Barrister Mainul Hosein, both elected MPs resigned from the Awami League, protesting the total abolition of democracy in Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. M.A.G. Osmani was selected as an Adviser to the President on 29 August 1975. He resigned shortly after the homicide of several leaders in the Dhaka Central Jail.
Osmani never supported the assassinations of August 15, 1975 and never tolerated undue criticism of Sheikh Mujib. However, he accepted the post of Defense Advisor (Equivalent of a Cabinet Minister) under Khondkar Mushtaq, who took over as President after the August 15 coup with the support of the coup leaders and may have had prior involvement in the events of August 15. Osmani had disregarded advise to chorus from joining the Mushtaq government, and was appointed to his post after Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman was promoted as the Army Chief of Staff on August 24, 1975, and Maj. General Khalilur Rahman was appointed as the Chief of Defense Staff in the Defense Ministry. Although The Defense Advisor post was a cabinet post, Osmani did not accept any salary for his services. Osmani visited several army formations to emphasise the need to maintain discipline and morale. It is possible that Gen. Osmani hoped to prevent further bloodshed by using his influence among the armed forces. As Defense Advisor he did not oppose the promotion of the August 15 Coup Leaders and the reinstatement in the army of those retired army officers involved in the coup. Instead of joining their respective units, the coup leaders had installed themselves in Bangabhaban, completely disregarding the Army Chain of Command, and Osmani accepted the situation. He tried to implemented the decision to disband the Jatyo Rakshi Bahini and place the members in the Police and Anser organizations before Gen. Zia managed to get approval to integrate the Rakshi Bahini formations in the army in October 1975. The coup leaders kept control over the 1st Bengal Lancer and 2nd Field Artillery units, which were involved on the August 15th incident, deployed as they saw fit outside the chain of command of the Army HQ. The action of the coup leaders showed the weakness of the Army chain of command and created a de facto parallel command structure.
When Brig. Khaled Musharraf came to know of the Jail Killings, he and some of his staff went to Bangabhaban to negitiate a peaceful transfer of power. Khandker Mushtaq and Osmani spent the day negotiating. Col Shaffat Jamil came to Bangabhaban to meet Khalad Musharraf. As he and his soldiers entered the meeting room, he heard Khudker Mushtaq forehead beating Khaled Musharraf by saying "I have seen many Brigadiers and General of Pakistan Army! Don't try to teach me." This angered Major Iqbal, CO of the 1st Bengal company, and he drew his gon saying "and Now you will see Majors of Bangladesh Army." Mushtaq started rolling on the floor, Osmani stood between Maj. Iqbal and Mustaq and requested Shaffat Jamil to restore the situation, which Col. Jamil did. After Mushtaq resigedn and a new government was formed, Osmani resigned his post and was driven home.
Bangobir Osmani started a new political party named Jatiya Janata Party in 1976 and he was elected President of the party. He participated in the 1978 presidential elections as a candidate of the Democratic Alliance party. He later participated in the presidential elections in 1981 as a candidate of the Jatiya Nagarik Committee (National Citizens Committee).
Osmani lived as a bachelor throughout his life and had no offspring who exist today. His family home is 18 km south from Sylhet City in the village of Dayamir now renamed as Osmaninagar. His home in the Nayarpul locality of the north-eastern city of Sylhet, from where he hails, is currently a museum - Osmany Museum.
Though a bachelor all his life, Osmani was near to his relatives and family throughout his life. Most trips to Sylhet involved making visits to loved ones, and in Dhaka he would regularly welcome nephews and nieces to his residence. Only his Alsatians were usually disliked, and almost universally feared by visiting folk.
In 1983, aged 65, Osmani was diagnosed with cancer at the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) in Dhaka. He was immediately flown to London for treatment, at the Government's expense. He was attended to by specialists at St Bartholomew's Hospital. Most of his time in the UK was spent staying at the family home of his nephew and niece, Mashahid Ali and Sabequa Chowdhury. Both were beloved to him - the late Mashahid (Shahee) had helped Osmani in his later years by funding the establishment of his political party, the Jatiya Janata Party, following Osmani 's exit from the Mujib government. Sabequa spent formative years of her childhood in Osmani 's home in Sylhet, and Osmani gifted his allocated plot in Dhaka to her in the early 1970s. Osmani's days would pass with an almost endless stream of visitors, well wishers and acolytes calling on him to wish him well, to ask his guidance, or just to see him.
Though Osmani was responding favorably to the cancer treatment, in early February he deteriorated unexpectedly. The hospital diagnosed that he had been given the wrong type of blood at the CMH and that this was now infected. His demise followed immediately after, in bed on 16 February 1984 in London, aged 66. Throughout these months of treatment and convalescence, the noted fire in his eyes and the quiver in his bristly moustache stayed with him until the very end.
Following his sudden death, Osmani's body was flown to Bangladesh. The cavalcade of cars to Heathrow was provided with a special police escort which, with full diplomatic protocol, sped the entourage through the streets of London, stopping the traffic along the route. About a days after his death Osmani was buried in Darga, Sylhet with full military honours. His grave lies adjacent to his mother's.
Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani is regarded in Bangladesh as one of the greatest leaders and heroes of the nation's freedom fighters, and regarded as a brave man (Bonga Bir) never scared of laying down his life. Under his command, the organisation and conduct of Bangladesh Armed Forces came into being without whom it would have been very difficult. The international airport in his hometown of Sylhet, where he is respected and remembered very much, has been named after him as Osmani International Airport(Osmani Antorjatik Biman Bondor ). Even the state-run hospital in Sylhet is named after him, as Osmani Medical College and Hospital. Every year, Osmani associations collect to hold enormous ceremonies and functions, including engaging in televised discussion of General Osmani's contributions. The medical college situated in Sylhet is named after him, M.A.G. Osmani Medical College, Sylhet. In London Borough of Tower Hamlets, a primany school was named as Osmani Primary School. His family home is 18 km south from Sylhet City in the village of Dayamir now renamed as Osmaninagar. His home in the Nayarpul locality of the north-eastern city of Sylhet, from where he hails, is currently a museum - Osmany Museum. In Sylhet Dhupadighir par a Park was named as Osmani Shishu Park. In Fenchuganj Upazila a road named after him, General Osmani Road.
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